1.1 The problem
1.2 The focus and aims of the study
1.3 Definition of terms
1.4 Methodology
1.5 The structure of the report
Since Independence, socio-economic development in Tanzania has been inexorably linked to political ideology and over the last thirty-five years or so development has been dependent on the prevailing political climate. In the six years immediately after independence the economy grew significantly due largely to international investment. In 1967 the government embarked on a policy of African socialism that included the nationalisation of agriculture, industry and commerce and educational institutions. Education and training were considered to be two important agents of change. In addition to a commitment to universal primary education, the government introduced measures to provide both adult and vocational education in rural and urban areas. To facilitate the government's objectives of controlling socio-economic development, a plethora of interventionist policies were introduced, implemented and managed by a burgeoning civil service. In the eight years following the Arusha Declaration (1967) the economy continued to grow, yet in subsequent years this growth was reversed and the economy went into decline.
By the early 1980's it was clear that the state had over-stretched itself and the expected benefits of socialism had not been achieved. In a climate of prolonged economic decline the government introduced the first of its Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) designed to reduce fiscal deficits and promote economic growth. However, due to a combination of factors, not least shortages in consumer goods, high unemployment (especially among the youth) and a decline in real wages, a growing number of people were forced to engage in alternative and/or additional methods of income generation. These activities, now commonly known as the Informal Sector, were considered by the government to be subversive and attempts were made to prevent and/or deter participation by legislation and persecution, particularly in urban areas.
Times and attitudes change and by the mid 1980's, influenced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the international donor community, the government began a programme of economic liberalisation as part of the continuing process of structural adjustment. With the transition to private enterprise, formal sector employment has declined and public sector employees have become subject to retrenchment. In addition, due to economic and structural difficulties in the education system, ever increasing numbers of young people are leaving school unable to either progress up the academic ladder, gain a place on a vocational training course, or gain employment in the formal sector. The wages of formal sector employees were in real terms still declining, and no longer could the government ignore the potential of the informal sector as a mechanism for providing employment and subsistence income for ever increasing numbers of people. Indeed, credence to such activities was endorsed by President Mwinyi (1987) in a speech which acknowledged the governments' inability to adequately remunerate its employees and encouraged them to participate in other income generating activities to supplement their earnings.
The current situation is, that the country continues to experience severe economic difficulties, as the reforms associated with a free-market permeate and challenge long held norms and beliefs. The informal sector is increasingly perceived as one of the key factors in future economic prosperity and to support this notion, the government, with assistance from the International Labour Organisation (ILO) has published a policy document outlining future intentions to facilitate its development. Fundamental changes are also pending in education, where work-skills are to be introduced into the primary curriculum, and vocational training will emphasise the change from a supply, to a demand driven system.
Rhetoric, rubric and posturing aside, the Tanzanian formal sector (according to the 1991 census data estimates), is currently only capable of absorbing between 7 to 10% of the new entrants into the labour market, yet school leavers increase the labour force at a rate of about 0.7 million per year. This figure consists of 50% primary school leavers, about 21% school drop-outs and 29% children of school age who have never been enrolled. Compounding the employment problems of school leavers, is a general consensus that educational policy has not been geared towards self employment, rather at all stages, preparation has been towards wage employment. This is a view reinforced by parental expectation and has fuelled the migration from village to town. To these figures are added about 28,000 Form IV leavers ('O' level), 1,000 Form VI leavers ('A' level) and 500 university graduates unable to gain employment in the formal sector. There is also a growing number of retrenchees, estimated to number 25,000 civil servants, a similar number from parastatals and possibly as many as 10,000 private sector workers per year.
Despite the significantly high population lapsing into the informal sector, reports on informal sector activity have tended to be academic surveys, or governmental/donor initiated studies into specific aspects of provision. There is a need to map the provision of assistance to the informal sector and establish which government and non-governmental agencies are supporting the sector and the mechanisms they employ. More specifically, what provision is there to support and assist young people entering the sector? In addition the educational and employment pathways that exist need to be clearly defined, particularly mechanisms for providing recurrent education and training to those already operating in the sector. Above all the study aims to establish whether the preparation of youth for the informal sector is based on cohesive or fragmented policies and actions.
This study examines both the structures and processes that assist in the training of youth who aspire to become artisans working in the informal sector and the operational characteristics of subsistence and small-scale enterprises.
The original intention was to focus solely on mechanical (including motor vehicle mechanics) and electrical trades' training, but, early in the study it became apparent that the ubiquitous nature of trades such as carpentry and tailoring necessitated some attention. The aims of the study were therefore;
· to map the educational and vocational pathways leading to informal sector employment including entry qualifications, providers, the nature of provision, i.e. the training programmes,· to identify and examine both formal and informal education and training provision for the informal sector, through a top down approach,
· to compare the different types of training provision in terms of a number of factors, including the process and method(s) employed, opportunities to gain practical experience, relevance to future employment needs and innovation and enterprise skills,
· to examine and compare educational provision with the perceived needs of drop-outs, Std VII leavers, trainees, employers and training providers,
· to consider how the quality of education and training provision may be enhanced,
· to identify trends and possible future needs in education and training provision for future employment in the informal sector,
· to consider ways in which innovation and enterprise can be encouraged in subsistence and small-scale enterprises in rural and urban informal sector activities.
In the study, the term youth applies to a person between 15 and 30 years of age as defined by the Ministry of Labour and Youth Development (MLYD). However, this definition is based on government assumptions that all those engaged in productive activity are Primary Std VII leavers. In practical terms this fails to acknowledge that some of the 29% of school aged children who do not attend school are active informal sector operators. Therefore in the context of this study the definition of youth will be considered to include children aged 9 years and above.
Informal sector is interpreted as individuals or groups of people engaged in legitimate enterprises (either subsistence or small-scale), some of whom may be regulated by the state, (e.g. co-operatives and Nguvu kazi groups) but the vast majority are considered to be operating outside the legal regulations of the state.
Nguvu kazi is a Kiswahili expression 'every able bodied person should work'. This was used as a political slogan by the ruling Party, Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) in 1983 as part of its campaign to mobilise youth to form self-employment groups.
The study involved three phases, preparatory, field work and evaluation. The principal research instruments used were; library searches, semi-structured interviews, small group discussions, observations and questionnaires (appendices 3-7). Extensive use was made of audio recording and transcription and where appropriate, video recordings to illustrate aspects of the 'working' environment.
The preparatory phase began with extensive in-country library searches to identify the key governmental and non-governmental agencies involved in the training of youth, their policies, (past, present and future) and finally to identify and collect documentary and academic literature relevant to the study. This initial search was intentionally very broad, encompassing all forms of youth training, e.g. electrician, carpentry, motor mechanic, tailoring, animal husbandry. The search exercise was extremely productive as it enabled the researchers to identify the principal training providers, assisted in identifying some of the issues and concerns addressed in the subsequent interviews with administrators, trainers, trainees and entrepreneurs and finally, target possible venues for field work. Building on this, arrangements were made to visit and interview senior civil servants and representatives from donor agencies. This aspect of the study was carried out in and around Dar es Salaam as the administrative headquarters of all the organisations are based there.
The second phase of the study involved field work consisting of visits, observations and interviews, at vocational training venues, primary schools and both subsistence and small scale entrepreneurs in both rural and urban locations (appendices 2). Authorisation from several Ministries enabled the researchers to conduct their enquiries in approximately 60 different institutions. To ensure the validity of the data and observations, and to avoid contrived showpiece activities or lessons, it was imperative that the research team arrived without prior notification at the institutions/sites. Attention then focused on interviewing providers and their clients, undertaking local document searches, observing where possible, practical activities and finally examining the quality and range of learning and artefacts produced by the clients. To further enhance the quality of data collected, Regional, District and Technical Education Officers and Academic Officers, Cultural, Labour and Municipal Officers in each region were consulted, interviewed and generally acted as guides in their locale. This mode of operation was welcomed by all but one Principal, as constructive feed back was provided at the end of the visit.
Site tours of training venues allowed the researchers to carry out an audit of the fabric of the building, the availability and condition of utilities, plant, equipment and other resources. Visits to primary schools also enabled the researchers to administer a questionnaire to a number of Std VII (final year) pupils about their aspirations and expectations. Similarly, primary school drop-outs operating as street youth were observed and interviewed about their schooling, working life, aspirations and expectations. Finally discussions with local entrepreneurs yielded valuable information about the relative merits, constraints and anecdotal perceptions of the capabilities of graduate trainees from the various different training providers. Views on primary education and its relevance to employment prospects were also sought.
In an attempt to ensure that the data collected represented an objective sample, the work was carried out in fifteen of Tanzania's twenty-one regions. The other six regions were not visited for technical/logistical reasons, either there were no formal training institutions operating programmes in mechanical/electrical trades, or problems of access prevented visits to these areas.
The concluding phase of the study was both comparative and reflective as data collected during the preparatory and field work was analysed. In addition further visits were made to some Ministries and agencies to ensure that this report made reference to recent developments in both education and training. Visits were also made to subsistence and small-scale enterprises in both rural and urban locations to discuss the feasibility of a number of possible methods to promote innovation and enterprise.
Leading on from this introduction, the following chapter addresses political and socio-economic developments in post-independence Tanzania. Economic, education and training policies introduced over the last three and a half decades are examined to contextualise the important contributions the informal sector has made by providing employment and subsistence incomes for a significant number of people in a political climate that was until recently, hostile to the sector.
Chapter three considers education (both primary and secondary) training and the problems of the youth and maps the pathways that exist between educational provision, vocational training and employment in the formal and informal sectors. Included in this chapter are the results of a small survey of primary school pupils and informal sector youth that considers their aspirations, expectations and opinions about education, training and employment.
Chapter four is concerned with mapping the provision of assistance and vocational training by governmental and non-governmental organisations including a précis of their activities.
Chapter five focuses on the informal sector, summarises its general characteristics and then concentrates on developments in Tanzania beginning with an overview of the dynamics of ideological repression and growth. The government's acknowledgement of the socio-economic importance of the informal sector and its proposals to provide for and encourage its future development is examined. Finally, examples of informal sector enterprises visited during the field study are examined and key factors highlighted.
The penultimate chapter addresses different types of training provision which were found to be operating in the country. Each type is then examined and presented as a case study.
The final chapter of conclusions considers factors such as; the function of primary and secondary education and their curricula, suggestions to enhance current training provision and future recurrent training needs, improving the profile of women operators, and finally presents models that illustrate possible ways of introducing innovation and enterprise in rural and urban enterprises.
In addition to this report, a number of edited video tapes have been produced to illustrate aspects of the study.
